Language profoundly influences how we experience, process, and regulate our emotions. This relationship is reported frequently among bilingual individuals. Does this mean that differences in emotional intensity and memory recall can impact therapeutic outcomes? Below we discuss the relationship between language and emotion, exploring recent psychological and neuroscientific research and discussing practical implications for therapists.
Emotional Detachment in a Second Language
Bilingual individuals frequently describe feeling emotionally detached or experiencing emotions less intensely when using their second language (L2). Known as the "foreign language effect," this phenomenon suggests emotional experiences resonate more deeply in one's native language (L1) (Caldwell-Harris, 2014). Research consistently supports these subjective experiences.
For instance, with regards to physiological responses, bilingual speakers show stronger physiological reactions, such as increased skin conductance, when encountering emotional words or taboo language in their first language compared to their second (Harris, Ayçiçeği, & Gleason, 2003; Eilola & Havelka, 2011).
Experiments in Attentional and Emotional Interference by Costa et al. (2014) demonstrated that bilingual people find it easier to regulate their emotional reactions or ignore emotional distractions when processing information in their second language. This means that emotional content presented in a second language is less disruptive to attention, making it easier for individuals to maintain their cognitive focus or composure when confronted with emotionally charged stimuli.
Moreover, speaking a second language seems to engage more cognitive and analytical brain regions (e.g., dorsolateral prefrontal cortex), thus moderating emotional biases in decision-making.
Research using fMRI demonstrates increased activation of cognitive control regions when bilinguals make emotionally charged decisions in their second language, resulting in more analytical, rational and utilitarian decisions with reduced emotional biases such as loss aversion (Keysar, Hayakawa, & An, 2012; He et al., 2021 ).
These findings collectively reinforce the idea that a second language can serve as an emotional buffer, providing psychological distance from emotionally charged experiences.
Language-Dependent Memory Encoding and Retrieval
Memory retrieval is highly dependent on language context. Bilingual individuals tend to access autobiographical memories more vividly when the language at retrieval matches the language in which the memory was encoded (Marian & Neisser, 2000); and childhood memories encoded in the first language often carry richer emotional detail compared to memories retrieved in a second language, which can seem more distant and emotionally subdued (Eilola & Havelka, 2011).
This means traumatic or emotionally charged experiences encoded in one language may only be fully accessible in that same language, while retrieving these memories in a different language may result in less emotional intensity or even reduced recall of specific details (Eilola & Havelka, 2011). This is why phrases like a parent’s scolding or a term of endearment in one’s first language can trigger visceral reactions years later, because they were encoded alongside feelings during formative years. By contrast, a second language learned later might not automatically evoke the same amygdala response unless it too was learned through rich emotional immersion.
This language-dependent memory can be especially significant in therapeutic contexts, particularly when both client and therapists are bilingual as therapists may uncover richer emotional material by matching the therapy language to the language of the client's memories.
Neuroscientific Evidence
Neuroscientific research reveals compelling insights into why emotional intensity differs across languages. Early-acquired languages form strong neural associations with emotional circuits in the brain, particularly the amygdala and limbic structures, because language learned in emotionally rich contexts becomes deeply embedded within emotional memory systems (Caldwell-Harris, 2014). In contrast, second languages learned later, especially in academic or emotionally neutral settings, show weaker associations with these neural systems.
In addition, electrophysiological studies (e.g., EEG/ERP) have demonstrated that emotional labeling tasks in bilingual individuals provoke significantly weaker neural responses in the second language compared to the native language.This diminished neural response suggests that emotional content in a second language captures less automatic attention, resulting in lower immediate emotional impact (Wu et al., 2019).
Moreover, functional MRI studies reveal that emotional feedback (such as emotional reactions to losses in risk-based or decision-making tasks) in the second language activate cognitive control regions like the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex more strongly compared to the first language, suggesting more analytical emotional processing (He et al., 2021).
Hemispheric Differences
Neuroscientific research indicates that how our brain processes emotional language can differ depending on whether we're using our first language (L1) or a second language (L2) (Hinojosa et al., 2019). Typically, language processing is predominantly handled by the left hemisphere of the brain, while emotional processing is more strongly associated with the right hemisphere (Gainotti, 2014). For L1, which we usually acquire in childhood and is deeply connected to our emotions, both hemispheres may collaborate, with the right hemisphere playing a more significant role in emotional processing related to language (Hull & Vaid, 2006). As a result, clients discussing emotional topics in their first language might experience these emotions more intensely (Caldwell-Harris, 2014). Conversely, for L2, which is often learned later in life and might not carry the same emotional resonance, the left hemisphere typically dominates processing, resulting in a more analytical rather than emotional approach (Briellmann et al., 2004). This analytical processing can make emotional discussions in L2 feel less intense, potentially benefiting clients who require emotional distance (Keysar et al., 2012). However, relying on a second language for emotional expression could also function as a form of emotional avoidance (Dewaele, 2010).
Neuroimaging studies provide further support for these differences. For instance, fMRI studies have demonstrated that emotional words in L1 preferentially activate the right hemisphere, particularly regions like the amygdala and insula, which are strongly involved in emotional processing (Hinojosa et al., 2019). In contrast, when processing emotional content in L2, these same areas exhibit reduced activation, while left-hemisphere regions such as the inferior frontal gyrus, associated with language comprehension and production, become more active. This differential brain activation is likely influenced by the age of language acquisition and the contexts in which languages are learned. Specifically, L1 is typically acquired in emotionally rich environments, such as family interactions, leading to robust right-hemisphere involvement. In contrast, L2, often learned in academic settings, engages more cognitive-control areas, thereby reducing emotional reactivity and shifting processing predominantly to the left hemisphere.
Cognitive Perspectives on Language and Emotion
Cognitive psychology provides further understanding of language-dependent emotional processing. According to Marian and Neisser (2000), language acts as an internal context or "mindset" that triggers distinct networks of associations - memories, cultural frames, and emotional states - unique to each language. This aligns with ego states theories and other theories such as Possible Selves (Markus and Nurius, 1986), which suggests that individuals hold multiple self-concepts, including hoped-for and feared selves, influenced by context and experience. For bilinguals, each language can evoke a different "possible self" - an L1 self tied to childhood, family, and visceral emotions, versus an L2 self linked to professional settings, independence, or a more analytical identity. For example, a bilingual individual might feel more vulnerable or authentic when speaking their native tongue, reflecting an L1 self steeped in early emotional experiences, while their L2 self might emerge as more detached or confident in a foreign context. This multiplicity of selves suggests that language not only primes memories but also constructs distinct emotional and cognitive identities, offering therapists a lens to explore how clients’ self-perceptions shift across languages during sessions (Marian & Neisser, 2000; Markus & Nurius, 1986). Consequently, speaking one language might evoke memories and emotions consistent with that linguistic and cultural identity, influencing how an individual perceives themselves, their emotional responses, and their overall psychological well-being.
Furthermore, differences in emotional vocabulary and cultural contexts across languages contribute to distinct emotional experiences. For example, certain emotions might be culturally specific and lack exact equivalents across languages, affecting emotional expression and perception. Bilingual individuals might rate the intensity or connotation of the same emotions differently depending on the language context, owing to subtle differences in meaning, emotional intensity, and cultural relevance of emotional vocabulary (Dewaele, 2010).
Additionally, differences in emotional vocabulary and cultural contexts lead to distinct emotional experiences across languages, underlining the importance of exploring emotional expressions bilingually in therapy. Understanding this phenomenon allows therapists to sensitively explore and validate the multiple linguistic and emotional dimensions of their bilingual clients, enriching therapeutic interventions.
Implications for Therapeutic Practice
Understanding emotional nuances between first and second languages can significantly enhance therapeutic interventions, particularly for bilingual clients. When clients feel overwhelmed by intense emotions, discussing these experiences in their second language may provide the psychological distance necessary to safely explore painful memories and feelings (Keysar et al., 2012). Conversely, if clients seem emotionally detached or “flat” when describing important experiences, therapists might encourage switching to the native language to facilitate a deeper emotional connection whether by thinking or expressing themselves in L1, and if the therapist is not bilingual, to try to explain it in L2. Moreover, when bilingual clients naturally revert to their native tongue during emotionally charged discussions, this can signal deep emotional engagement or stress (Zhou et al., 2020).
Therapists therefore should interpret this as an indication that the client is accessing emotionally significant material. As before, even therapists who do not speak the client’s first language can leverage this by inviting clients to express emotions in their native tongue or to explain the significance of specific words, thus enhancing therapeutic depth and alliance. This would be akin to the strategy of affect labeling (simply putting feelings into words, which engages frontal lobe processes and diminishes amygdala activity). By doing this labeling or reappraisal in an L2, the effect may be amplified since, thinking in a non-native language encourages more systematic processing and less intuitive emotional reaction, thereby acting as a form of cognitive reappraisal.
An awareness of the above can be particularly beneficial in trauma-focused therapies, such as Eye Movement Desensitisation and Reprocessing (EMDR). Traditionally, EMDR assumes a monolingual context; however, trauma memories are often more effectively processed when accessed in the language in which they were encoded (Ateş-Barlas, 2022). Therefore, therapy sessions could be ‘supercharged’ by utilising language as either a buffer to start processing avoided material, or to encourage bilingual clients to utilise the language of traumatic memory encoding helping clients process those memories in those more deeply ingrained networks.
Bilingual therapists working with bilingual clients have additional opportunities. Shared linguistic fluency enables therapists to sensitively track subtle emotional shifts and facilitate nuanced exploration by choosing languages strategically. Bilingual therapists can adjust language usage dynamically within sessions, aiming to balance emotional intensity with psychological safety. Furthermore, shared bilingualism can enrich therapeutic rapport by acknowledging clients' full linguistic and emotional identities, fostering a stronger and more trusting therapeutic relationship.
Therapists who would like to make the most of this should assess each client's language history, proficiency, emotional fluency, and context of language acquisition. For instance, clients who acquired a second language early and used it extensively in emotionally meaningful contexts might not experience significant emotional distance in L2 (Caldwell-Harris, 2014; Pavlenko, 2012). Ultimately, therapists should engage clients openly in discussions about their language preferences, asking questions such as, “Do you find it easier to express certain emotions in one language versus the other?” Such conversations can help tailor therapy more effectively, respecting individual differences and enhancing therapeutic effectiveness.
References
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